Tuesday, August 16, 2016

Copper and Brass: Buffalo’s other Metallurgical Industries

By
Matthew Shoen

Buffalo is one of many Rust Belt cities that lived and died by the steel industry. Companies like Lackawanna Steel employed thousands of Buffalonians, driving the city’s success throughout the twentieth century. However, in the shadows of giants like Lackawanna Steel that employed tens of thousands, Buffalo also had a vibrant copper and brass industry, which, in 1910, employed over 1,800 people. The nature of copper and brass manufacturing is the focus of this latest post.

A chunk of copper ore. Image taken from Wikipedia.

Copper and brass are two metals that have been with human beings since our emergence from the Stone Age. In fact, the widespread understanding of how to smelt copper is one of the key points of delineation between the Stone Age and Bronze Age. 

Copper is a naturally occurring metal, distinctive in appearance for its red color and distinctive in use for its malleability. Copper can be pounded flat, shaped, and sharpened, allowing for the creation of edged tools with greater durability than flint and the early stone hand axes humans had been utilizing. Around 4,200 B.C.E. Middle Eastern peoples discovered that by placing copper ore in clay kilns they could heat the metal until it liquefied, removing impurities from the copper and leaving behind a stronger, more easily shaped product.

Brass, an alloy of copper and zinc was a natural discover of the smelting process as both copper and zinc are frequently discovered in a natural bond with each other. Starting with this discover, copper and brass would remain critical metals in the evolution of human existence. Both metals would become important in ancient decorative arts and early coinage. Starting in the sixteenth century brass would become the premiere metal for cannon and rifle barrels, while copper would be used for plating on the bottom of ocean vessels to keep their hulls from rotting and to prevent barnacles from forming colonies. Both metals became important for practical household use, with much of the world's copper going to kettles, pots, and eating utensils.

The Industrial Revolution created a new demand for copper and brass. The malleability of both metals made them perfect for creating pipes, valves, joints, and other pieces of equipment necessary to new industrial processes.[1] In Buffalo, the copper and brass industry contributed to the city’s industrial growth in two separate facilities, the Buffalo Smelting Works, and the Aldrich and Ray Manufacturing Company Building.

Located on Austin Street in Black Rock, the Buffalo Smelting Works was a large copper ore foundry operated by the Calumet & Hecla Mining Company from 1891 to 1914. The smelting works was used by the Calumet & Hecla Mining Company to convert its raw ore, mined from copper mines in Michigan, into pure copper. The smelting works also extracted silver from the ore, returning even more mineral value to its parent company following each successful smelting. Copper extracted from the ore shipped to Buffalo was returned by steamer to Michigan where it was likely rolled and shipped out for sale across the country to copper manufacturers.  

One copper manufacturer that likely bought rolled copper from Calumet & Hecla was the Aldrich and Ray Manufacturing Company whose manufacturing space was located on Niagara Street. Founded in 1879 by Schuyler Aldrich, the company was the largest brass and copper manufacturer in New York State by 1898, consuming over 800 tons of copper each year to produce goods ranging from copper kettles and pots, to soda fountains, and fixtures for hotels and restaurants. The company's factory stands to this day and is a four story brick building with numerous windows along the front facade and sides that allowed light to enter the workspaces. 

The Aldrich and Ray Manufacturing Company Building.

It is interesting to contrast the size and scope of operations in the Aldrich and Ray Manufacturing Company to the city’s steel giants. Despite the high volume of copper consumed by Aldrich and Ray, the company had only forty employees.[2] Further, Aldrich and Ray operated entirely out of their one building on Niagara Street. Compare that to Buffalo’s steel companies whose plants covered hundreds of acres and featured multiple buildings working together to refine and shape steel. Thousands of men were employed at each facility, allowing steel to dominate Buffalo's marketplace.

The size discrepancy shows interesting differences in the business model of big steel vs. copper and brass manufacturers. Steel was utilized for construction projects and infrastructure building, meaning its was produced in massive quantities. Further, steel is much more difficult to create when compared to copper and brass. The refining process for steel wasn't made economical until the late nineteenth century. Compare that to copper, which people have been refining since 4,200 B.C.E.

While steel was used for large scale building projects, copper and brass have always been marked by their flexibility and adaptable uses. The metals are easily molded and altered and this ability partially explains why so many copper and brass manufacturers existed in Buffalo and the rest of the country, rather than large conglomerates that marked the steel industry. Each manufacturer was capable of shifting production to create a wide range of goods, molded to the specifications of the individual client. This flexibility allowed many small copper and brass manufacturers to flourish, but never to the level of the nineteenth century steel magnates who monopolized steel production in the late nineteenth century. 

Copper and brass have been with us since the Bronze Age, shaping our world as we shape these metals into tools we needed. In Buffalo, copper and brass became major products for the city, though they were effectively overshadowed by the city's steel production. Nonetheless, copper and brass played an important role in the development of Buffalo and the growth of its metallurgical industry.

Example of a julep strainer made by the Aldrich and Ray Manufacturing Company.
Image taken from Etsy.com.





[1] Brass gained additional significance for its inability to create sparks.
[2] “Good Times,” The Buffalo Courier, November 4, 1894, 5.

Historic Rehabilitation Tax Credits: Money is the Object, Historic Preservation is the Result


By: Jason Yots, President, Preservation Studios

“Money is no object!” likely never has been uttered by a Buffalo real estate developer, at least within the last century or so.  In fact, due to an array of economic difficulties, finding enough money to consummate a real estate development project in Buffalo, NY very much is the objective.

Buffalo is the kind of place that urban experts call a “legacy city”.  Legacy cities, on one hand, endure deep population losses, concentrated poverty, lagging household income growth and rampant property vacancy.  On the other hand, though, those cities boast expansive historic building fabric, affordable real estate, economic productivity and opportunity, and community resiliency and sustainability.[1]  Your classic good news, bad news dichotomy.


Unfortunately, the “bad news” column of the ledger makes real estate development in legacy cities a tricky endeavor.  Shrinking population, surplus aging real estate and lower wages mean that citizens can’t afford top-end rents, that building values appreciate slowly and that developers earn back less ownership “equity” than their national counterparts. 

And yet, real estate development in Buffalo is booming, at least in relation to its pace during the last few decades.  What accounts for this seeming anomaly?  Two words: government subsidies.  And, in Buffalo, no government subsidy has been more effective, dollar-for-dollar, than the historic rehabilitation tax credit (HRTC).  Consider any recently renovated building in Buffalo that’s over 50 years old and there’s a good chance it was financed using HRTCs.  Apartments, hotels, offices, retail outlets, cultural destinations and educational facilities all have been developed using HRTCs.

The federal tax code offers a tax credit equal to 20% of the qualified costs incurred in connection with the rehabilitation of an historic property.  When you add a counterpart state HRTC of another 20%, and then discount for the market factors and tax considerations inherent in monetizing those credits, you’re essentially left with a government subsidy at an effective rate ranging from 20 – 30% of a project’s costs.  This effective subsidy rate happens to coincide with the funding “gap” faced by most adaptive reuse projects in places like Buffalo.  The tax credits plug the gaps, the developers reinvent the buildings, and the community reaps the benefits.

The federal HRTC program is administered by the National Park Service (NPS), for the Department of Interior and the Internal Revenue Service.  Each year, NPS issues a report of the HRTC program’s performance during the prior fiscal year.[2]  The 2015 annual report reflects the continuation of some programmatic trends of the last few years, both nationally and locally.

              A fly-over of the HRTC program confirms that it continues to be a strong economic development tool for its host communities, generating in 2015 about $6.63 billion in development activity at an average of about $5.168 million per project (median project size in 2015 was $937,856).

            On the ground, the HRTC program proves again to be a strong job-creator.  The historic rehabilitation process is labor-intensive and, as a result, inherently local.  On average in 2015, individual HRTC projects generated 98 local jobs each, totaling just over 85,000 jobs nationwide.  With average annual salaries of about $40,000 industry-wide, HRTC jobs are well-suited to low-cost legacy cities.

            As mentioned, legacy cities often face an aging housing stock and extensive building abandonment which negatively impact housing quality standards for their residents.  The HRTC program provides a tangible boost to the housing inventories of legacy cities.  In 2015 alone, the program helped develop 23,569 new rental housing units, over a third of which were available to low- to moderate-income tenants.  This affordability factor is key in legacy cities where unemployment generally is higher - and wages generally are lower - than the national average.

            While rental housing constituted about half of all HRTC projects in 2015, that’s only half the story.  The program also catalyzed the creation of new offices (21%) and other commercial activity such as hotels, retail and educational and cultural facilities (29%).  The lack of restrictions on end-use is one of the HRTC programs strongest assets because it helps to diversify the real estate offerings to communities that consistently access the program.

            And which communities most consistently tap the HRTC program?  The states that are the biggest users of the HRTC program primarily share two important attributes: they contain a high concentration of legacy cities and they feature established state HRTC programs.  This latter feature is not surprising when you consider that state HRTC programs enable developers to nearly double-down on the capital available to complete their projects.  On an approved-project basis, the top five users of the HRTC program in 2015 were: Louisiana, Ohio, Virginia, Missouri and New York.  From a project-cost standpoint, the top five states were: Ohio, Texas, New York, Pennsylvania and Missouri.  Clearly, New York, with top-five finishes in both categories, has figured out that the HRTC program is an important tool for reinventing its many legacy cities.  And, when money is the object, and historic preservation is the result, developers and communities alike can appreciate the impact of the HRTC program.

Jason Yots is a tax credit attorney, real estate developer and historic preservation consultant based in Buffalo, NY.  www.preservationstudios.com, www.commonbondrealestate.com


[1] Read more about legacy cities at:  www.legacycities.org 

[2] The last several years’ reports can be found at: https://www.nps.gov/tps/tax-incentives/reports.htm

Tuesday, August 9, 2016

John Neumann, Buffalo's Footsore Saint

There are eleven men and women who have been canonized as Catholic saints for their work in America. Several saints were canonized for founding American religious organizations, while others have been honored for missionary work that ultimately led to their deaths. These eleven saints played critical rolls in the story of American Catholicism and one of the saints has an important connection to Western New York. His name is John Neumann.

John Neumann who was born in Bohemia in 1811 and entered the seminary in 1831, later transferring to Charles University in Prague where he studied theology. Neumann’s ultimate goal was to be ordained a priest, however the German States were filled with young men who’d heard the call of the priesthood and the Bohemian Catholic Church refused to ordain Neumann. Rebuffed, Neumann immigrated to America and approached the Bishop of New York, John Dubois, about ordination and in 1836, in New York’s St. Patrick’s Cathedral, John Neumann became a priest.

It is important to understand that at this time American dioceses encompassed huge swaths of territory. In 1836 the Diocese of New York encompassed New York State and half of New Jersey. This massive territory was thinly seeded with Catholics eager to have a local priest. With this in mind, John Dubois sent Neumann west, to the forests around Niagara Falls where German Catholics were immigrating in substantial numbers.

When he arrived in Western New York, Neumann was confronted by some pretty harsh conditions. First, there were no parish churches outside St. Louis Church in Buffalo, save for a tiny log chapel called the North Bush Chapel in present day Kenmore, where frontier Catholics came together for Sunday prayers. Neumann made the North Bush Chapel (now St. John the Baptist Church) the base for his missionary activities and proceeded to minister to Western New York’s frontier Catholic families.
St. John the Baptist's Church today
taken from Google maps

Neumann’s flock was widely dispersed. People lived in squat huts in the woods or in small hamlets around local creeks and rivers. The challenge of ministering to all these people was only compounded by Neumann’s inability to ride a horse. Some accounts suggest that Neumann was too short to properly sit in a saddle, making him a fearful unsteady rider, while others suggest that he was embarrassed by his awkward riding style and chose to walk. Other claims suggest that he simply didn’t like horses and refused to ride them. If Neumann refused to ride horses because he disliked them, then his equine disdain must have been white-hot hatred. Without a horse Neumann walked to all his parishioners, traveling in a one hundred mile radius to preach. Neumann offered sermons to Catholics in Williamsville, Lancaster, Alden, Pendleton, Lockport, Tonawanda, Eden, Niagara Falls, Sheldon, and Java. Neumann was also the first Catholic priest to visit Batavia. All this walking was done along game trails and paths cut from the brush by hunters or Native Americans. Following these backwoods trails, Neumann gathered up Catholics from across the frontier, praying in private homes, administering last rites, baptisms, and celebrating holy days. As he was doing this, Neumann was also creating parishes and modest parochial schools for the communities he led.

John Neumann worked in Western New York between 1836 and 1840 before requesting a transfer to Philadelphia where he was very influential in the formation of the city's Catholic community. In 1852 he was made Bishop of Philadelphia and he died in the city eight years later at the age of 60. He was canonized in 1977, the fourth American to be named a saint. 


Though he was in Western New York for only four years, John Neumann’s legacy is undeniable. Catholics outside Buffalo can often trace the founding of their parish to Neumann’s activities. He provided the first semi-regular Catholic ministering the countryside had seen. In the late 1830s few Catholic priests could be found in Western New York outside Buffalo. Those priests operating outside the city were Jesuits working with the Native American population. John Neumann, walking from village to village, and even farm to farm, was the first man of the cloth many settlers had seen since arriving in Western New York. Footsore though he was, Neumann offered these people comfort in the wilderness and created the building blocks of the Catholic Church in Western New York as we know it today. For that reason and his work in Philadelphia, Neumann was canonized, giving Western New York its first and only canonized saint.
John Neumann looking extra holy
Image taken from sosf.org

Monday, June 13, 2016

The Five and Dime

By Matt Shoen

In the last blog published by Preservation Studios we discussed the Newberry Building, our project in Batavia. Built in 1881 the building was used as a storefront for over a century before closing in 1997, though rehabilitation plans are in place to ensure the restoration of this lovely commercial block. The building's history can be neatly divided into two eras, the first lasting from 1881 to 1929 when it was owned by three different furniture makers/undertakers, and the second spanning 1929 to 1997 when it was used by the J.J. Newberry Company. The last blog didn't spend too much time on the history of Newberry's and so today I think it's best to give this chain store its due and look at the history of five-and-dimes.
The Newberry Building in Batavia

The original five-and-dime was owned and operated by F.W. Woolworth, a Watertown native who began his business in Utica. The Utica five-and-dime quickly fizzled and Woolworth moved shop to Lancaster, PA where it caught on. Woolworth followed up the success of his first store by expanding rapidly, building new stores in towns and small cities throughout Pennsylvania. The rationale behind his building frenzy was with more stores he could purchase more product, earning discounts from suppliers and ultimately making it easier to sell goods cheaply. Additionally, rather than sell one consistent line of products, i.e. clothing, or groceries, Woolworth introduced the idea of the variety store, selling all manner of useful household items for the magic price of a nickel or dime. This wide product line, combined with inexpensive goods, was a new model of American shopping. Previously, people outside major cities made their own goods or took trips into cities to shop at large department stores when the occasion called for it. The five-and-dime brought downtown shopping to smaller communities and impoverished sections of cities such as Buffalo. Five-and-dime stores transformed frugal Americans into consumers, stretching dollars and allowing them to mean something. Better living, culturally and materially was ushered in by the five-and-dime store as newfound purchasing power helped connect people in small ways to the American dream of ownership.

The five-and-dime chain store offered another counterpoint to the downtown shopping experience. In downtown malls shoppers were guided through the experience by attendants, saleswomen who were responsible for making the shopping experience pleasant and encourage a shopper to make a few splurge purchases. This was attractive to to the upper crust, but a bit off-putting to less affluent shoppers. The five-and-dime, often operating in the early years out of hole-in-the wall establishments, or tiny rented storefronts didn't have the space or staff to guide shoppers around. Five-and-dimes allowed women to browse at their own leisure with only a sharp-eyed cashier watching to ensure none of the store's products slipped into a pocket or purse. In many ways it was a more familiar system for immigrant women, used to wandering through markets and picking through a vendor's goods before making their final purchase.

In these ways the five-and-dime model proved itself successful. It offered a clear counterpoint to the elite department stores of the era both in price and presentation, converting millions of Americans into consumers in the process. These Americans, often immigrants and poor took to the five-and-dime stores for the bargains they offered, and oftentimes for the travel convenience as five-and-dimes were often built in smaller communities that couldn't support a department store.

Around the Lunch Counter from reddit.com
Ultimately, the success of Woolworth's inspired many businessmen to begin their own five-and-dime chain stores, among these businessmen was John Josiah Newberry. Newberry was a Pennsylvania man who began opening five-and-dime stores in 1911. The chain grew rapidly and by 1930 there were 335 Newberry stores, including our building in Batavia. Growth peaked in the 1960s when there were 565 stores in the chain and it was the fourth largest five-and-dime chain in America. The model for the success of a five-and-dime didn't vary much from company to company. Savings were the draw, and savings were what each five-and-dime chain store offered its patrons.

In Batavia, Newberry's sold all manner of household goods, from clocks to brooms, cloth, griddles, and random knickknacks. Oftentimes these goods were not essential to the household, but for the price, they couldn't be beat.

Newberry's Popular Logo from marksimonson.com

Tuesday, May 31, 2016

The Commercial Block

By Matt Shoen

For this post I decided to move a bit outside Buffalo and talk about our project in Batavia, the Newberry Building at 109-111 Main Street.  Truthfully, its a simple building, the sort of Italianate commercial building everyone is used to seeing all along the main streets of small towns throughout the country. However, this three-story building in downtown Batavia demonstrates how even perfectly banal buildings can have an interesting history.                                        
The Newberry Building
The Newberry Building began its life as the C.H. Turner & Sons Furniture Store and was used by C.H. Turner, a local furniture maker and undertaker. Turner stayed in his building for six years before selling the building and business to George Williamson and George Weeks a pair of undertakers from Palmyra. Weeks was soon bought out and Williamson ran the undertaking business until 1910 when he died and the business was scooped up by H.E. Turner (No relation to C.H. Turner). H.E. Turner was the last local businessman to own the Newberry Building. In 1929 he sold the property to the J.J. Newberry Company a nationally known five-and-dime chain store and moved his undertaking business to a different part of Batavia where it exists to this day.

When the J.J. Newberry Company bought the building at 109-111 Main Street the company was one of the fastest growing five-and-dime chain stores in America.These five-and-dimes sprang up after the success of F.W. Woolworth's showed the model of providing low cost goods in smaller non-traditional markets could be profitable. The five-and-dime stores were predicated on the idea that owning just one store, or even a few, was not economically efficient. Multiple stores were necessary to leverage greater buying power and provide consumers with goods at low price. By 1929 when Newberry's purchased their building in Batavia, the company had 335 stores, primarily on the East Coast. The history of Newberry's and the way they factored into the commercial experience of shoppers in the early twentieth century is worthy of its own blog, as the company's business model was indicative of a new form of shopping that would carve out a place for itself in America starting in the late nineteenth century. For now however, I'd rather focus on the building itself.
Newberry Company occupying 109-111 Main Street Photo from 1995

The Newberry Building was owned by Newberry's for sixty-seven years during which time it served the community as a popular shopping spot. Additionally, the J.J. Newberry Company converted the second and third floors to office space that was rented by a number of different tenants ranging from doctors and lawyers to a Depression era organization dedicated to matching unemployed farmers with work in Genesee County.

The upper floors of commercial blocks such as the Newberry Building have always interested me. In the case of the Newberry Building  the upper floors are accessed via a small staircase at the left-most corner and lead up to spacious offices where a number of beat up but lovely historic features remain. These features include the original flooring, bannisters, and staircase and give us clues to how the space once operated.

The second and third floor units highlight an interesting crossroads of commercial history. The coexistence of multiple businesses under one roof is a model we don't frequently see today. Today companies build their own one-story box stores, preferably with a large parking lot out front. The sharing of space and reuse of a building like 109-111 Main Street is something we have gotten away from unfortunately. The density of our streets have decreased as companies attempt to gain their own spaces, damaging the feeling and cohesion of our cities. Simply look at images of old Batavia to see how the city's commercial district used to be dominated by three story Italianate buildings, filled with large stores and commercial tenants on the upper levels. Much of these are gone, replaced by box stores and the downtown mall.  The Newberry Building is actually a bit of an albatross, standing between buildings put up in the 1950s. The fact that the building maintained its form from 1881 to the present day is remarkable, even more so considering Newberry's company-wide remodeling plan from the 1950s that sought to sheath many of its buildings with metal siding. The Newberry Building in Batavia escaped this treatment, making it one of the few buildings in Batavia to survive relatively unscathed from the city's heyday. Though its history lacks any flash the presence of the building in Batavia is significant enough, reminding pedestrians of the shape of their old Main Street.

Postcard of Batavia from 1905, the Newberry Building is the
second building on the left

Friday, May 20, 2016

The Old Campus

By Matthew Shoen

St. Lawrence University in Canton, New York is a small private liberal arts college that recently found its way onto Best College Reviews list of the top 50 Historically Notable Colleges in America. St. Lawrence also happens to be where Derek and I went to school so now seems like a good opportunity to shamelessly plug the university and look at its early years.

For people who've attended St. Lawrence the basics of its history are commonly retold. The university was founded in 1856 as a theological school by the Universalist Church and became the first coeducational institute of higher learning in New York State. The Universalists who founded St. Lawrence believed that the illimitable love and goodness of God would triumph over evil in human society, and that God, irrespective of religious creed was a force of love in human life.[1] Less concerned with theological differences and proper religious practices, the Universalists were eager to create a theological school to promote their views. Leaders among the Universalist community, whose members primarily came from New England, Western New York and the Finger Lakes Region eventually decided to build their university in Canton, a small town in St. Lawrence County. Those members of the congregation in favor of  Canton argued that they had found, “a site of twenty acres of good available land, centrally and beautifully located on a gentle eminence.”[2] The construction of what would become Richardson Hall, St. Lawrence’s first building, started in 1855 and in the course of its construction the citizens of Canton convinced the Universalists to expand the scope of their theological school to include a college of Letters and Science forming the base of the liberal arts education for which St. Lawrence is known.

The early years of St. Lawrence were difficult and the university nearly went under as it struggled to attract students and faculty to the remote North Country. Still the university managed to provide for its students and built out the campus starting with the Herring Library in 1869 and the Fisher Theological School in 1883. The addition of the Cole Reading Room in 1902 gave Herring-Cole its present form and marked the end of St. Lawrence’s challenging first phase of development.[3]
Image of Richardson Hall and the Herring Library taken from the National
Register of Historic Places Nomination Form for Richardson Hall.

Where the nineteenth century had been challenging to St. Lawrence University’s Universalist founders, the opening decades of the twentieth century were far kinder. Between 1904 and 1911 the university was able to build many of the academic buildings that hold classes and offices today. These buildings include Carnegie, Cook, Payson, and Memorial Hall. Carnegie Hall became the university’s first science building after a donation of laboratory equipment from A. Barton Hepburn, a North Country native who became one of St. Lawrence University’s greatest patrons.[4] The ability to hold science classes in Carnegie allowed the university to convert Richardson Hall into a lecture space dedicated to the humanities. In addition to private donors such as Hepburn, the 1910s saw New York State involve itself in St. Lawrence’s affairs paying for the construction of Cook and Payson Halls to serve as the first State School of Agriculture.[5] The state would purchase a 63-acre farm and use the farm and new academic buildings to house dairy laboratories, horticultural devices, and plantings. St. Lawrence would later purchase both Payson and Cook Halls and the agricultural school would become SUNY Canton starting in the 1960s.

With its finances growing increasingly secure and with endowments coming from numerous sources St. Lawrence cemented itself as a top flight university in 1929 with the dedication of Hepburn Hall where Marie Curie the two time Nobel Prize winning physicist and chemist and pioneer of radiation research spoke. Curie was convinced to inaugurate the opening of Hepburn Hall by Owen D. Young, university trustee and internationally known financier. In addition to convincing Curie to come to Canton, Young was the mastermind behind the construction of St. Lawrence’s Gunnison Memorial Chapel, Sykes Residence for Men, and Dean Eaten Hall.[6]
Historic Image of Herring-Cole
Taken from the National Register of Historic Places Nomination Form for the Library

With the building of Dean Eaton Hall and Sykes Residence the shape of St. Lawrence was effectively finalized. Expansion of the campus would continue as the university sought more students and a more diverse curriculum, but every building that came after the completion of Sykes in 1930 reflected the types of buildings already built, i.e. residences, libraries, common spaces, and academic halls. The university’s historic core, expressed in buildings such as Herring-Cole, Sykes Residence, Richardson, Carnegie, and Hepburn Halls trace the fascinating story of St. Lawrence’s first eighty years of existence. From a single brick building on the edge of Canton to a thriving liberal arts college hosting internationally renowned guests like Marie Curie the story of St. Lawrence is one of triumph. Importantly though, it is not the story of triumph over overwhelming odds or adversity, instead it is a triumph of ideals, a triumph of education and a triumph of a belief fostered by people ranging from the citizens of Canton who asked the Universalists to expand the mission of their college, to financiers like A. Barton Hepburn and Owen D. Young that knew education in this quiet part of New York could be something special.
Marie Curie Comes to Dedicate Hepburn Hall October 26, 1929
Taken from St. Lawrence University's Digital Collection

For additional information on the history of St. Lawrence University consider following these links:

http://www.bestcollegereviews.org/features/historically-notable-colleges/
https://cris.parks.ny.gov/Uploads/ViewDoc.aspx?mode=A&id=32513&q=false
https://cris.parks.ny.gov/Uploads/ViewDoc.aspx?mode=A&id=32510&q=false
https://cris.parks.ny.gov/Uploads/ViewDoc.aspx?mode=A&id=32411&q=false

[1] Cornelia E. Brooke, “National Register of Historic Places Nomination Form: Richardson Hall, 1974.” Section 8, Page 1.
[2] Brooke, “Richardson Hall,” Section 8, Page 1.
[3] Sadly Fisher Hall burned down in 1951. The building of Herring Cole continued the pattern of unity between St. Lawrence University and the local community as Potsdam Sandstone, a locally and widely sought building material was used to erect the building.
[4] Hepburn, president of Chase National Bank from 1904-1917 also endowed the university with the money necessary to begin an Economics program
[5] John Harwood, “National Register of Historic Places Nomination Form: St. Lawrence University Old Campus Historic District, 1981” Section 8, Page 1.
[6] St. Lawrence students will find amazing is that Dean Eaton is actually considered historically significant.